It was 15 May 2025, and 47 European presidents and prime ministers, secretary generals, and top brass from various international institutions touched down in a wet, cold, rainy Tirana. A red carpet stretched across Skanderbeg Square, leading them into the sixth European Political Community Summit, where they gathered for one day to discuss the continent’s security, trade, politics, and future.
The first EPC summit was held in Prague in 2022, some six months after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Suggested by French President Emmanuel Macron, the idea was to bring together leaders from across Europe, along with representatives from the European Commission and Council, and the Council of Europe, without being constrained by the somewhat restrictive frameworks of EU or NATO summits.
But the summit in Tirana was also highly symbolic. It was the first time the EPC was held in the Western Balkans, a region perpetually in the EU’s waiting room and plagued by instability, disinformation, and the growing influence of Russia and China. It also came at a time when Albania is working hard to flex its diplomatic muscle and position itself as a mediator and leader in the defence and military sector.
Meanwhile, in May, for the third time, Albania hosted the NATO military exercise, Defender Europe 25, bringing together over 12,000 troops from 19 different countries. Led by the US European Command, the exercise will continue until 9 June and is one of the most extensive and complex drills of the last decade.
The purpose of the exercise is to enhance the readiness, interoperability, and capability of US, NATO and European forces to act in a coordinated manner in a complex operational environment. It is built on NATO’s Article 5, which simulates collective defence in response to an attack on an alliance member. Participants will carry out a number of exercises that simulate actions to protect critical infrastructure, secure embarkation points, and manage advanced logistics.
Prime Minister Edi Rama emphasised Albania’s growing contribution to NATO operations. In a social media post, he noted the exercise’s scope and the role of “Albania, as one of the main host countries, which plays a strategic role in ensuring the success of the planned operations and developments.”
The head of government added that “Defender Europe ’25” aims to increase interoperability between allied armed forces, strengthen military readiness and the ability to react quickly to any potential threat in the Euro-Atlantic space.”
There is no doubt that Albania is strategically positioning itself as a key player in the defence landscape of the Western Balkans, leveraging on its NATO membership, across-the-board pro-EU and US stance, and regional alliances to address emerging threats and revitalise its defence industry.
But what threats and challenges does it feel it is most exposed to? In an interview for Euronews Albania, Defence Minister Pirro Vengu explained that the country faces a range of threats, including hybrid warfare, cyberattacks, and disinformation campaigns, primarily attributed to non-NATO actors like Russia and Iran. China, he said, is not as active in the region as it once was, or as it is in some other areas.
While less overt than traditional military risks, the main threats he identified are significant in a region marked by historical tensions and ongoing disputes, such as Serbia’s non-recognition of Kosovo’s independence and a long-standing legal ‘state of war’ between Greece and Albania.
Source: freepik.com
Hybrid threats, particularly cyberattacks and disinformation, are a daily challenge for Albania. The government systems, including citizen services, were brought to a standstill in 2022 following a cyber attack from Iran. In recent elections, the Central Election Commission sounded the alarm over 192 million cyberattacks, adding that none had caused any significant disruption.
The minister said that while less exposed to Russian influence than some neighbours, Albania remains vigilant, investing in cybersecurity infrastructure and regional cooperation to counter these risks. This includes partnerships with NATO and tech companies to improve infrastructure and give the country a fighting chance.
However, in the offline world, Albania’s strategic alignment with NATO and the EU, coupled with its advocacy for Kosovo’s integration, positions it as a stabilising force in the Western Balkans. This is perhaps behind the plans to revitalise the defence industry- something that will include a big push in production, design, and innovation. It is hoped that with this, Albania will be able to strengthen many alliances and further reinforce its place and stability in the region.
As a response to threats and growing instability in the region, Albania has quickly sought partners in the neighbourhood.
One example is an agreement with Italy’s Fincantieri, signed on 18 March 2025, in Pasharima. This agreement aims to produce military and civilian vessels, addressing Albania’s need for a modernised navy while developing economic growth through dual-use production.
The government-owned company KAYO is central to this effort. The company will manage dormant industrial assets and attract foreign investment. Albania has also passed legislation to incentivise military production, offering fiscal tools to attract contractors. Several former Communist-era production plants will be rehabilitated, upgraded, and reactivated to produce items for local and international defence needs. This plays directly into the needs of Europe, which is struggling to scale up military production capabilities or invest the cash in developing new facilities.
Vengu said that expressions of interest from NATO countries and Middle Eastern partners highlight the global appeal of Albania’s ambitions, with plans to produce ammunition, uniforms, vehicles, and drones. The minister told Euronews that multiple expressions of interest have already been forthcoming from various European countries, and by the end of the year, the first agreements should be in place. He said that this industrial strategy not only strengthens defence capabilities but also creates jobs, with each military production job estimated to generate three civilian jobs, aligning defence spending with economic development goals.
The donation of an Italian naval vessel, currently named Libra but set to be renamed, marks another milestone in Albania’s defence transformation. This gift from Italy will facilitate the transition of Albania’s naval forces from coast guard operations to a more robust naval presence while also supporting NATO and EU missions in the Mediterranean. Training programs for Albanian officers and cadets on the Libra are also set to enhance operational readiness, which fully aligns with Albania’s very public ambition to take on much greater regional responsibilities.
But that is not all. On 18 March 2025, Albania, Kosovo, and Croatia signed a trilateral defence agreement in Tirana, marking a significant step toward enhanced military cooperation in a region plagued by neighbourhood tensions.
The agreement, signed by defence ministers Pirro Vengu, Ejup Maqedonci, and Ivan Anušić, seeks to strengthen defence capabilities, advanced military technology, and improve interoperability through joint training and operations.
In his interview with Euronews, Vengu said the agreement reflects a shared commitment to counter hybrid threats, support Kosovo’s Euro-Atlantic integration, and address regional security challenges in the Western Balkans. While the pact is non-binding, he was clear that it aligns with NATO and EU strategic goals rather than running against them, emphasising collective responses to destabilising influences. It was also suggested that it gives Kosovo a foot inside a door that it is otherwise shut out of, due to its non-membership in both NATO and the EU.
The agreement stems from over a year of planning, driven by the three countries’ shared perception of threats, particularly from non-NATO actors seeking to destabilise the region. It facilitates joint procurement, innovation programs, and coordinated exercises, enhancing regional stability. Meanwhile, Croatia’s vocal support for Kosovo’s integration into NATO and EU frameworks marks a significant diplomatic shift, strengthening the alliance’s pro-Western orientation amid a number of non-recognisers and Kosovo-sceptics.
However, Serbia’s reaction to the news was not positive with President Aleksandar Vučić labelling the agreement a “provocation” and a violation of the 1996 Sub-Regional Arms Control Agreement. Vučić accused Albania and Croatia of fueling an “arms race,” prompting Serbia to seek explanations from both countries’ foreign ministries.
Serbian media portrayed the pact as an “anti-Serbian axis,” escalating tensions. In response, Croatia snapped back that it does not need Serbia’s approval to engage in regional agreements and emphasised the pact’s focus on cooperation, not aggression.
As for Albania’s stance, Vengu said that there is no need for any country to ask for Serbia’s permission, and that “this type of agreement is encouraged both by the NATO treaty, the North Atlantic treaty, which basically encourages member states to come together and build smaller initiatives within the NATO umbrella.”
There is no doubt that Albania is strategically positioning itself as a leader in defence manufacturing, diplomacy, and security in the region, particularly as the perception of outside threats continues to grow. From hosting the EPC summit with its focus on security, to participation in Defender Europe 25 and the trilateral deal with Kosovo and Croatia, its diplomatic clout is undoubtedly increasing. But whether it can meet the needs of this rapidly evoling and challenging geopolitical landscape, where even the EU and NATO are struggling, remains to be seen.
